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spartakus aspak nuk e di cfare historie lexon ti apo cilat i ke burimet, por po te sjell materialin ketu ne anglisht dhe perkthimin do e bej pak me vone. gjendet i gjithi tek historia en kete link
http://www.forumihorizont.com/showt...=&threadid=4871
eshte shkruar nga Bern Fisher qe mbahet albanologu me i mire.
per t'ju referuar vetem ceshtjes se luftes se dyte boterore dhe "zgjedhjeve demokratike" te vitit 1945.
When Mussolini was finally convinced that Italy would never achieve its goal of complete dominance over Albania while Zog remained in power, he swept him away in April of 1939. Albanias experience with war and resistance swept away the political system that Zog had created. In 1944 the Albanians were forced to begin their state construction again under the leadership of the victor of the wartime resistance struggle, the newly created Albanian Communist Party led by Enver Hoxha.
Hoxha came from a middle class Moslem family from the South who, like Zog, spend some time studying abroad where he learned an appreciation for western literature and Marxist politics which would help shape his own version of Zogs political dualism. Once back in Albania he joined a small communist cell and with the formation of the party in 1941, was chosen as the secretary of the central committee. He was not the obvious choice but as a well-educated, well-spoken, dedicated, affable young man, he appeared to be the ideal compromise candidate. His political acumen, ambition and drive, seconded by a studied ruthlessness would allow Hoxha to transform his fledgling party of 130 into the principal contender for power in Albania in a matter of several years.
Hoxhas goals were similar to Zogs and included securing his own position as a first priority, building the party into the principle resistance force, and constructing the foundations of a new government while the war was still in progress. As he consolidated his power Hoxha removed liquidatory elements by dissolving entire district committees and removing personal enemies by simply having them shot. In a bold stroke, Hoxha initiated a popular front strategy at the Peza conference where the National Liberation Movement (NLM) was founded that thrust him personally into the limelight. But he was also careful not to cast his net too broadly and refused to accept most of Albanias diverse liberal elements gambling that other strong resistance organizations outside of his control would not form.
Rival organizations led by Zogists, liberals and independent chieftains did appear, and became the principal focal point of his military efforts. But Hoxha fought the Italian and German occupiers as well gaining extensive western military aid for his efforts. His rivals, who constituted the ruling class of pre-war Albanian society, participated in very little resistance. They felt that they could only pursue military operations as long as they could provide adequate protection for their society from enemy reprisals. Failure to insure this protection would lead to the rejection of these leaders by their own society. Hoxha, on the other hand, had nothing to lose by resistance since enemy reprisals only gained for him new recruits. The disunited anti-partisan groups, in an effort to protect themselves from Hoxha, were ultimately driven to cooperate with the Germans, effectively removing themselves as contenders for power in postwar Albania.
Postwar Albania was of course one of Hoxhas principal preoccupations. Hoxhas seemingly innate political acumen encouraged him to carefully prepare his dictatorship while the fighting was still underway. There are a series of milestones in this somewhat tortuous process beginning with the Peza conference where the NLM was founded. This meeting began the process of constructing regional and local administrations in the form of councils that did much to spread Hoxhas influence. Parallel to the NLM meetings, Hoxha convened meetings of the party to strengthen his own internal position. After receiving Comintern approval, Hoxha called the first national conference of the Albanian Communist Party in March 1943 that elected a permanent central with Hoxha continuing as first secretary. The conference also called for the creation of a regular army of national liberation to be controlled by the communists. The general council of the NLM naturally agreed and Hoxha became the principal political commissar. With each meeting Albania comes closer to becoming a state, and Hoxha further solidifies his position.
The next major step in September 1943, was the second conference of the NLM at Labinot that strengthened and expanded the local and regional councils that in some areas began to govern towns and entire districts being proclaimed the only peoples power. In 1944 with the outcome of the war no longer in doubt, Hoxha stepped up his political activity. At the end of May 1944 Hoxha called an NLM congress at Permet which chose a standing committee, and several months later in Berat the second session of this congress transformed the committee into a provisional government with Hoxha acting as prime minister.
At the second plenum of the party, also in Berat, Hoxha survived the first dangerous challenge to his leadership mounted by Yugoslavs, who developed the view that Hoxha was a bourgeois nationalist, and their allies on the Albanian politburo. In defense Hoxha moved further to the left and perpetuated the mentality of struggle emphasizing the notion of enemies everywhere, externally and internally. This state of siege mentality became a critical feature of his ideology and characterized Hoxhas regime until his death in 1985.
The Peoples Republic
The command socialist form of Hoxhas state was soon established. Building on the many wartime conferences and plenums, once the Germans had gone Hoxha quickly constructed a system with intelligence and brutality. The initial steps included Special Peoples Tribunals for the physical removal or silencing of the remaining elements of the pre-war elite, and the construction of a particularly large security service. With the enhanced personal security these measures provided, Hoxha moved to the creation of a permanent government. While democracy and free elections had constituted an important part of Hoxhas propaganda, once he assumed power these promises became considerably less important. Hoxha created a democratic front out of the wartime NLM dominated by communists.
Unlike much of the rest of Eastern Europe and the Balkans, however, Albania did not experience a post-war coalition government, principally because no government in exile had ever been recognized. In the first election in 1945, because only front candidates could stand for office, the front swept to power with 93% of the vote.
When the new national constituent assembly met in early 1946, it formally abolished the monarchy, proclaimed Albania to be a peoples republic within the prewar frontiers and approved a new constitution along Stalinist lines. Hoxha held the posts of general secretary of the party, president of the Democratic Front, prime minister, foreign minister, defense minister, and commander-in-chief. A compliant Peoples Assembly was created, supplemented by compliant local Peoples Councils. While the major players shifted or disappeared on occasion during the Hoxha years, and two new constitutions were introduced, the Stalinist political structure changed little until Hoxhas death.
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10 Shkurt 2005 19:10
Forumi Horizont > Media dhe Politika > Politika Shqiptare > Politika shqiptare ne vite > Te humbur apo te fituar dolem nga Lufta e II Boterore?
